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The Occupy movement with its myriad signs and slogans still appears to be an inchoate protest movement railing against economic inequality, free market capitalism and its most visible institution - Wall Street in the United States. But its unmistakable insistence on taking on the established political parties - including the Democrats - and its radical democratic form of organisation suggest a new ambitious grass-roots politics with the potential to mature further.


Even the nature of the protest-redressing the failings of the political system through the occupation of highly visible urban real estate is something very unusual. While there have been occupations of offices and schools before (a not atypical form of protest in a university for example), the idea of physically occupying Wall Street, and pointing out and humiliating those at the nerve centre of financial power is an extremely powerful symbolic manoeuvre.


Although there is a large body ofcritical material that reads D.H.Lawrence’s various representations of sexuality, the depictions of lesbianismin Lawrence’s work have been virtually ignored.[1] Given this oversight, this paper analyzes Lawrence’s portraits oflesbian characters in the context of an emerging lesbian identity in earlytwentieth-century England. Lawrence’s novels The Rainbow and The Fox,I argue, reproduce many of the contemporary discourses on lesbianism which weredisseminated by sexual theorists such as Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis. Isuggest that the development of this identity was partly responsible for Lawrence’smovement away from nineteenth-century British representations of romanticfemale friendship, and his movement toward a more sexualized depiction of thebonds between women. I conclude this paper by suggesting that the rise of alesbian identity was also responsible for the development of homophobicdiscourses that disrupted romantic friendship between women.


Upon publication of The Rainbow in 1915, D. H. Lawrence andhis publisher, Algernon Methuen, were prosecuted under the Obscene PublicationsAct of 1857. During the trial, the Crown prosecutor, Herbert Muskett, condemnedLawrence’s text for what he referred to as its “immoral representations ofsexuality.” Methuen, fearing that his business would suffer from the badpublicity, made a formal apology and surrendered all remaining copies to themagistrate. As a result, Lawrence’s novel was not banned, but Herbert Muskettwas able to lash out against the author’s depictions of “sexual perversion.”Muskett’s moralizing speech focused on the chapter “Shame,” stating that it is“a mass of obscenity of thought, idea and action throughout, wrapped up inlanguage that would be regarded in some quarters as an artistic andintellectual effort.”[2] What is significant is the fact that although The Rainbow includes numerous descriptions of explicit sexual acts,only the “Shame” chapter seemed to provoke and upset the court. We musttherefore assume that the Crown prosecutor conflated “immoral representationsof sexuality” with representations of lesbianism, for it is the “Shame” chapterthat describes Ursula’s affair with Winifred Inger.


The trial of The Rainbow is an important moment in British literary and legalhistory in that it represents the first public forum in which lesbianism wasdiscussed as a moral (and legal) issue. Thus, by identifying “Shame” as thecentral morally offensive section of Lawrence’s novel, Herbert Muskett (and, byextension, the British legal system) was participating in a cultural shiftwhereby women’s sexuality was becoming recognized as independent of male sexuality—acultural shift that Lawrence attempted to capture in his novel and to which he,in the end, contributed. One could argue, then, that in The Rainbow Lawrence responds to the anxieties generated by thenewfound articulation of women’s sexuality, anxieties that led to the policingof women’s sexual desire, as well as an increase in homophobic discoursesregarding sexual relationships between women.


During the mid-Victorian period inBritish history, women began to question the social constructions that forcedthem to choose between the patriarchal binary of “the wife” or “the spinster.”Through the expansion of capitalism and industry, employment opportunities forsingle middle-class women had increased in the early 1800s to include clericaland secretarial jobs; prior to this, single women had been relegated topositions as schoolmistress or governess.[3] However, this newfound financial independence for women started tochange in the 1850s due to a high level of unemployment that resulted in jobsbeing taken from single middle-class women and given to unemployed men. Theseeconomic circumstances inspired an early feminist movement and caused manywomen to critique male patriarchal dominance. This “liberation” movementstressed the importance of women’s social and economic independence, and becamea precursor to the suffrage enterprise and its fights for political equality.Questions of sexuality, “sisterhood,” and lesbianism were an inevitableby-product of this movement during the finde siècle; however, many women chose to dissociate themselves from thesetopics for fear that such controversial issues might impede the politicalprogress which had been made by the early feminist movement.[4]


By the turn of the century, thefeminist counter-culture was becoming represented within fictional texts, themost infamous being Grant Allen’s novel TheWoman Who Did. Furthermore, a journal, TheFreewoman, was organized as a feminist forum for the discussion of issuessuch as abortion, birth control, prostitution, and homosexuality.[5] In October of 1915, Stella Browne, one of the women who helpeddevelop The Freewoman, presented apaper to the British Society for the Study of Sexual Psychology in which Brownerejected the traditional Victorian notion that female sexual desire wassubordinate to the male. In this paper Browne also separated sexuality fromprocreation by questioning monogamy, marriage, and family. In addition, sheadopted Havelock Ellis’s apologetic stance on lesbianism, which stated thatsociety must recognize homosexuals as valuable members of society.[6]


Despite the work of Browne and Ellis,in the early decades of the twentieth century, lesbianism was still a largelyinvisible category that only now started to become understood as an identity.In nineteenth-century England, sexual desire, sexual acts, and intense lovebetween women did not constitute a condition or perversion that categorized thewhole individual.


Here, Faderman confirmsSmith-Rosenberg’s assertions that Victorian female friendship was built arounda generic and unselfconscious pattern of single-sex or homosocial networks,networks that were supportive and institutionalized in social conventions. Asa result, pre-twentieth-century homosocial friendships remained virtuallyunchanged from the 1760s to the 1880s, a period when “continuity, notdiscontinuity, characterized this female world.”[9] Smith-Rosenberg’s terms “continuity” and “discontinuity” imply thatprior to the twentieth century there existed a continuum of emotional and sexualimpulses rather than a dichotomized structure of “normal” and “abnormal.”Certainly nineteenth-century female friendships permitted a great deal offreedom of movement between the poles of today’s socially constructed continuumthat places “uncompromised heterosexuality” at one extreme and “committedhomosexuality” at the other.[10] We must conclude, then, that around the turn of the century Englandsaw a change in what constituted “acceptable” relationships between women. Nolonger could women be as openly loving, supportive, or tenacious as they hadbeen in previous decades. The Victorian ideal of female friendshipdisintegrated as its notion of a fluid continuum was transformed into a rigiddichotomy.


Responding to the development of “thelesbian” as a sexual category—a category developed during the 1890s by Richardvon Krafft-Ebing and Havelock Ellis—Lawrence turns away from the literarytradition of romantic female friendship. In its place, Lawrence adopts apederastic model of homosexuality: Winifred, the mature teacher, takes onUrsula as a young protégé in a form of kinship that echoes Edward Carpenter’sassertion that “a strong attachment in boyhood or girlhood … between the youngthing and its teacher” is important “in the educational sense” for personalgrowth.[11] Lawrence’s depiction of Winifred and Ursula’s bond seems to draw onCarpenter’s unique placement of women within a pederastic model of same-sexsexuality. Lawrence responds to Carpenter’s 1908 assertion in The Intermediate Sex that the earlytwentieth century has witnessed “a marked development of the homogenic passionamong the female sex.” And Carpenter goes on to claim that “womenkind havedrawn more closely together … to cement an alliance of their own.”[12] The “comrade-alliances,” as Carpenter calls such bonds, echo hiscomments on male same-sex sexuality, which espouse a Whitmanian “brotherlylove” and romantic connections between older and younger men. Carpenter’sdiscussion of women’s “homogenic alliances” may be read as a shift toward aconceptualization of lesbianism within a masculine frame. 041b061a72


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